![]() Welfare State - The Canadian Encyclopedia. The welfare state in Canada is a multi- billion dollar system of government programs that transfer money and services to Canadians to deal with an array of societal needs. The welfare state in Canada is a multi- billion dollar system of government programs . The major welfare state programs include Social Assistance, the Canada Child Tax Benefit, Old Age Security and the Guaranteed Income Supplement, Employment Insurance, the Canada and Quebec Pension Plan, Workers. Programs are funded and delivered by the federal, provincial and municipal governments. What is the Welfare State? ![]() He recently claimed that Quebec s lavish social welfare model think $7. ![]() For many years after, postwar British society was frequently characterized (often pejoratively) as a . Under this definition, Canada became a welfare state after the passage of the social welfare reforms of the 1. Social Security). Accueil > Obtaining Financial Assistance > Social Assistance and Social Solidarity Programs. The Social assistance and Social Solidarity Programs are. The rules for some Quebec welfare recipients are about. Quebec welfare recipients face new eligibility rules. Welfare rules forcing people into destitution, report finds. By Laurie Monsebraaten Social Justice. More than 450,000 individuals in Quebec receive welfare benefits. Quebec to make changes to welfare program. Email Twitter Facebook Pinterest Google+. ![]() ![]() In addition to occupational welfare, there are a range of social welfare services provided by parapublic, trade union, church, and non- profit institutions. These are often funded by a combination of state and private sources. In Canada, such a view of the welfare state appeared in the League for Social Reconstruction's Social Planning for Canada (1. Leonard Marsh's classic, Report on Social Security for Canada (1. Advisory Committee on Reconstruction. Politically, this view has been expressed in the platforms of the New Democratic Party (NDP) and its predecessor, the Co- operative Commonwealth Federation, and practised most notably by the postwar CCF government in Saskatchewan and NDP governments in British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario. A popular form of these ideas can be found in the books of investigative journalist Linda Mc. Quaig such as The Wealthy Banker's Wife (1. Billionaires' Ball: Gluttony and Hubris in an Age of Epic Inequality (2. Neil Brooks. In 2. Canada and elsewhere, the responsibility for well- being rests with either the individual or the family, or both. Simultaneously, there is a clear acceptance that capitalist economies are not self- regulating but require significant levels of state intervention to achieve stability. In relation to Briggs' definition, there is an emphasis in liberalism on the first two of the three welfare state activities: minimum income and social insurance. Keynes and William Beveridge, and of the Canadian Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion- Provincial Relations (1. White Paper on Employment and Income (1. Working Paper on Social Security in Canada (1. It is an approach expressed in Mackenzie King's Industry and Humanity (1. Harry Cassidy's Social Security and Reconstruction in Canada (1. Tom Kent's Social Policy for Canada (1. In the contemporary period, these ideas continue to find expression in the work of the Institute for Research on Public Policy and its magazine, Policy Options. The reduction of inequality through taxation, often held to be a goal if not a result of the welfare state, is considered antithetical to the pursuit of freedom and to material progress. If it is the pursuit of self- interest which leads to an economically robust society then a reduction through taxation of the incentive to accumulate more income and wealth will inevitably lead to less growth and less economically healthy society. In particular, it is often argued that social expenditures have become too heavy a burden for the modern state and that state expenditures on social programs divert resources from private markets, thus hampering economic growth. According to the conservative conception, the welfare state has discouraged people from seeking work and has created a large, centralized, uncontrolled and unproductive bureaucracy. Proponents of this view argue that the welfare state must be cut down and streamlined, and that many of its welfare activities should be turned over to charity and to private corporations. In reference to Briggs' definition of the welfare state, conservatives support only the minimum income activities of the contemporary welfare state. The idea of the conservative welfare state had its clearest expression in Charlotte Whitton's The Dawn of Ampler Life (1. John Bracken, then Conservative Party leader, to criticize the social democratic views incorporated in Marsh's Report on Social Security for Canada; it also appeared in the west in the writings of former Alberta Premier Ernest Manning; and, in Qu. In the contemporary period, this view is prevalent in the books and briefs produced by business- oriented research and lobby organizations such as the Fraser Institute and the C. D. Howe Institute, and the Canadian Council of Chief Executives, a business lobby organization representing Canada's largest companies. Social Canada in the Millennium by economist Tom Courchene, published by the C. D. Howe Institute, is representative. In this view, in societies such as Canada which are dominated by private markets, it is the exploitation of labour that supports the ever- increasing growth of capital in the hands of private employers. In this context, a major role of the modern state is the provision of an appropriately trained, educated, housed and disciplined labour force available to employers when and where necessary. To accomplish this, the welfare state becomes involved in the regulation of women, children and the family through laws affecting marriage, divorce, contraception, separation, adoption, and child support since the family is the institution directly concerned with the preparation of present and future generations of workers and in provisions for employment, education, housing, and public and private health. They continue to find expression in works by university- based authors and in the pages of magazines such as This Magazine and Canadian Dimension. Social welfare, considered a local and private concern, consisted of the care of the mentally ill and of disabled and neglected children (see. Child Welfare), and the jailing of lawbreakers. The first extensive debate on child welfare was led by J. J. Kelso in Toronto in the 1. Toronto Children. It was the beginnings of the child- saving movement in Canada. A similar approach was taken up by other provinces. The institutionalization of the family and the social reproduction of labour began with laws to enforce alimony, to regulate matrimonial property and marriage, and to limit divorce and contraception. This was expanded with limits on hours of work for women and children. Compulsory education and public health regulations were developed primarily in response to the spread of disease and fears of social unrest. Provincial governments began to support charitable institutions with regular grants. In Ontario, the first evidence of permanent support was in the form of the Charity Aid Act of 1. This was largely achieved by the use of state mechanisms to maintain stability in the economy and the family, and also through the signing of treaties with Aboriginal people to further free up land for European settlement. During the same period, charity workers and organizations began to consolidate and to battle ideologically, generally unsuccessfully, for control of social welfare. During the First World War, two important forces speeded the development of an interventionist welfare state: demands for the support of injured soldiers and for the support of the families left behind. Both led to a Dominion scheme of pensions and rehabilitation and, in Manitoba, to the first mothers' allowances legislation in 1. By war's end, after the incorporation of many thousands of women workers into the wartime labour force, they were encouraged to step aside to provide employment for male heads of households. Despite considerable debate during the 1. J. S. Woodsworth and a small group of Independent Labour members of Parliament. Under the law, the federal government shared the cost of provincially administered and means- tested pensions for destitute persons over the age of 7. It was a modest beginning. The law explicitly excluded Aboriginal people. In 1. 93. 0, with hundreds of thousands of Canadians unemployed, the newly elected Conservative government under R. B. Bennett legislated Dominion Unemployment Relief, which provided the provinces with grants to help provide relief. The government then opened unemployment relief camps run by the Department of National Defence, often in isolated locales, to give work at minimal wages to single unemployed men, and to keep them away from urban areas. Continuing pressure from trade unions, and from relief camp workers and from social reformers for jobs, better wages and unemployment insurance, led Bennett to abandon reliance on the so- called natural . This was introduced in a series of radio talks in January 1. Later that same year, the Dominion Housing Act became the first permanent law for housing assistance. His government was replaced by a Liberal regime under William Lyon Mackenzie King. The Report recommended that the federal government take responsibility for employment and the employable unemployed, and the provinces for social services and for those people deemed to be unemployable, e. A constitutional amendment to the British North America Act was necessary to give the federal government authority for unemployment insurance. The Tax Rental Agreements, arrived at with the provinces after protracted negotiations early in wartime, gave the federal government the right to collect income and corporate taxes for the duration of the war, a right it has retained to the present. By the beginning of the Second World War, the economic and political lessons of the Depression had been well learned. Canadians increasingly accepted an expanded role of the state in economic and social life during the war, and expected this to continue after the war.
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